مجله پژوهش های تاریخی ایران و اسلام
پیاپی 29 (پاییز و زمستان 1400)

Research in geographical names or "toponymy" research and the study of the reasons for naming places reveal different angles of a period of historical monuments for historians as well as geographers. Geographical names can be considered as living history because they have a historical background. Naturally, each naming is given a place for a reason or causes and can help researchers understand issues and clarify some ambiguities. Geographical names can indicate worldview, beliefs, culture, tastes, interests, aspirations, communication position, economic, military, historical event, or the like. Because geographical names change over time and their pronunciation and spelling may change, toponymy research can be used to research the original name and the scope of its changes. One of the most important settlements in the desert of Iran, which was once considered the only desert city and the passage of many world travelers, is the settlement of Nosrat Abad Espi, whose name has changed over the centuries and eras.

The city of Upper Semirom, despite its proximity to the third Safavid capital, has received less attention from scholars. This was due to the lack of attention to the resources of that period. However, a detailed study of the life of Semirom in the second half of the Safavid era, shows the growth and development of the city compared to the first half of this era. Thus, the issue of leading research is the study of effective factors in the construction, growth and strengthening of the position of that city in the second half of the Safavid era. The present article has investigated the above issue descriptively-analytically using librarydata. The research findings show that the climatic conditions of Upper Semirom along with its proximity to Isfahan That region, especially in the second half of the Safavid era, had an economic function based on livestock and agriculture. This special task seemed necessary to meet the needs of the capital. Hence, it became the focus of Safavid rulers. in line with this attention and with the forced migration of the Choleh family there as a ruling family by the Safavids, while increasing its previous functions, it became the military city on the way to the capital to Kohgiluyeh and Lorestan, which was the center of long-term crises in this period. Also becam Finally, the simultaneous presence of members of the Chuleh family in court positions also led to the growth of the city's position in the second half of the Safavid era.

Social movements are a fundamental argument in revolution theories this Because of this importance, different theories have tried to explain them. One of the most important of these theories is the theory of relative deprivation. Bani Abbas Corps with the Slogan of equality raised level of people's value expectations, However, after a while, the level of people's Valuable abilitydid not change much. By challenging economic, religious, and participatory values, the Bani Abbas increased the volume of these movements. Bani Abbas with Catch taxes and land seizures, elimination of Religious cohesion and lack of broad participation of social classes in government work, caused a relative deprivation social classes. This relative deprivation, in turn, increased the participation of social classes and increased the volume of movements. eventually, with the relative control that the opposition gained over the forces of the movement They lasted a long time. The present article tries to focus on the Sanbad and al-Muqana 'movement and using the method of historical and sociological analysis and review the content of historical , In the light of the theory of relative deprivation, Examine the contexts and reasons for the joining of different classes in this movement.

One of the most significant events in Iranian history that led to widespread change in this land is the victory of the Muslim Arabs in invading Iran. Following this important event, the Sassanid dynasty collapsed and Zoroastrianism lost its place in Iranian society, and Islam largely replaced Zoroastrianism in Iran, and it came under domination of Muslim Arabs. Because of the tremendous impact that this event has had on the life of the inhabitants of this land, this question has long been raised in the minds of many Iranians, and historians of ancient history that, as why and how the invading Muslim Arabs could rapidly defeat the Persians army and to end Sassanid dynasty. In response to this question, much research has been done and many theories have been put forward, most notably it has been emphasized over the existence of religious faith and motivation among Muslim on the one hand, and the existence of class and oppressive system among Sasanian and Zoroastrian clergy on the other. To answer this question, however, the present article attempts to extract and deduce historical data from ancient sources using a critical approach and a descriptive-analytical approach and critique of prior theories to examine the role of Iranian ruling families in the victory of the Muslim Arabs and the defeat of the Sassanid dynasty.

In the first half of the sixth century AD, northern China was riven by internal conflict, and in the south, there was a period of peace. The Liang dynasty ruled large parts of southern China from 502 to 557, and their capital hosted foreign monks and merchants. In this period, the historical sources from the Liang period provide us important information about the relations between China and Iran in the Sassanid period. In addition to Liangshu, which reports that the Persian king sent an ambassador to Liang's court in 530, 533, and 535 A.D., Liang Zhigongtu contains a portrait and an inscription of Sasanian Persia and its ambassador which is very interesting. In these sources, for the first time, information about the name of the founder of the Sassanid dynasty and a prince named Qituo is mentioned, which is unique in its kind. Researchers have not yet paid attention to this information or have not been careful in finding their equivalents. Thus, the present article tries to examine this information. Furthermore, while Khosrow Anushirvan was practically the ruler of the country during the last years of the Sassanid Ghobad rule, the inscription of Zhigongtu mentions Qituo who sent an ambassador to Liang's court. Comparing the above inscription with Pahlavi and Islamic texts implies that this prince is Khosrow I.

Although the Jungles had begun their struggle against Tsarist Russia, among the foreign powers, the British had a direct and indirect influence on their military, political, and ideological orientations. This effect, especially after the agreement to leave the jungle conflict with the British military forces in August 1297 AH. It became more noticeable. Because the terms of the Jungle treaty with the British military show that they had accepted a military defeat by Dunsterforce, the jungle was forced to expel German and Ottoman forces from the jungle, leading to an ideological turnaround. It appeared in the body of the movement, because from the summer of 1297 AH. The position of the Islamic Union was weakened, and less than six months later, with the separation of some of the right-wing figures of the movement, the young forest forces became more inclined towards the Bolsheviks. Although the British did not openly cause these developments, they were the result of their presence in Gilan and the pressure of Vosough al-Dawla on the movement. These events left Kuchak Khan alone with the figures he relied on to organize the jungle movement. After these events, the movement inadvertently took a course that was in the interests of the British. The question of the present article is, what measures did the British take to pave the way for the intellectual, political and military weakness of the jungle movement?

The use of different methods of battle has always been one of the ways to win over rivals, and the establishment of different dynasties throughout history has depended on military power and the use of various military tactics. Nader Shah was one of the unique personalities in the history of the war in Iran who was able to win various domestic and foreign battles by using various methods of war and cut off the hands of foreigners from the territory of Iran. The present study seeks to use the descriptive-analytical method and using first-hand sources and new research to answer the question that Nader has from the time of his emergence to the end of his reign to conquer different regions and overcome domestic opponents and foreign enemies what battle methods have used to win battles? The research results show that Nader used methods such as sending Ilychi to intimidate and surrender to the enemy, using a spy system, surprising the enemy, capturing the castle in various ways, including smashing, to suppress and defeat domestic rivals and foreign enemies, dropping divisions between enemy forces, spreading rumors about the killing of the commanders, inciting the his forces before the attack and during the war, paying attention to the forces's pension and using the spoils properly and attracting the attention of the commanders and elders.

Sasanian urban development has been continually received a lot of interest from the Sasanian kings and its importance can be realized by the naming of many current cities which still bear the names of some kings of this dynasty. The establishment and naming of cities based on a composition of the king's name or Iran with the term "Farr(ah)" indicate their national and religious tendencies and efforts to prove their own legitimacy. This study aimed to find appropriate answers for this question using library resources through a descriptive-analytical methodology that what are the effective factors for the mechanism of forming Sasanian urban development. The findings of this research demonstrated that the competition with claimants of the throne and defense of the state borders played important roles in the appearance of cities combined with demographic factors and the construction of water structures. These factors showed an interactive relationship with each other and also the formation of cities, as sometimes the construction of water structures made possible building a new city, and sometimes deporting populations provided the opportunity for habituation and construction of water structures, and consequently, the development of cities along the route of these structures, for example, in the central plateau of Iran.

The growth of capitalist relations in the 19th century and the effects of the growth of socialism led to a shift in women's social status, women's participation, and the rise of feminism in the West. A movement that led to the unification of women around the world and the struggle for equal rights with men. In the 20th century, the use of women force by communist and fascist regimes, along with the growing nationalist tendencies, increased the scope of women's activism in developing societies influenced by relations with the West, such as Iran. As a result, at the same time as the constitutional movement, Iranian women, in an effort to gain a share of their social rights, took steps that had already been seen in the process of the European women's movement. From 1285 to 1342, the spread of modernist and Relying on a descriptive-analytical method, this study seeks to answer the fundamental question of how nationalism in contemmovement and what is the relationship between nationalism and women's rights? The research findings show that nationalism and anti-colonial and anti-authoritarian actions paved the way for women to enter society, and despite the nationalists' enjoyment of women's participation and the affirmation of their social and political freedom, the rights that women demanded; They were not granted, and this led the women's movement to pursue other methods of obtaining their rights. Other legal and socio-cultural practices that have kept Iranian women dynamic in the current century.

Kamal al-Din Abdul Razzaq Samarkandi (816-887 AH) is one of the historians of the Timurid era who, by examining his most important historical work called Informed Al-Saadin and the Bahrain Assembly, can be seen that he has entered the field of identity approaches based on Iranian and Islamic traditions. Accordingly, the present research seeks to answer the question: How are the Mongolian traditions, cultural, cultural and historical identity of Iranian society and its impact on postpatriarchal political legitimacy reflected in the thought of Kamaluddin Abdul Razzaq Samarkandi? The results of the research conducted with a descriptiveanalytical approach indicate that: tribal traditions such as the Timurids' union with the Mongol Berlas tribe, the racial duality of courtiers, the continuity and continuity of Iranian identity from antiquity to the Timurids, the connection of Iranian culture with Islamic identity. Paying special attention to the continuity of Sharia and Tariqat, paying attention to the principles of Iranshahri and its components such as Farhaizadi, the connection of religion and politics and justice and the judiciary are the most important ideas of Samarkand in identifying Iranian identity in the Timurid era. It has been their rule.

The Turkmens were clans of the Ural–Altaic tribes who migrated to Iran between the 10th and 16th centuries, from the other side of Syr Darya. The Turkmen’s tribes who had migrated to Iran before the Ṣafavid dynasty (R.1501-1722) gradually assimilated into Iran's culture and connected with other Iranians. However, after the establishment of the Ṣafavid, the tribes who entered Iran took actions against the Iranian dynasties, and until the late nineteenth century repeatedly plundered the northeast of Iran. These newly-arrived Turkmen tribes, who settled in northern Khorasan and eastern Astarābād, converted to Sunni Islam under the influence of the Uzbeks of Bukhara. Following the Uzbek scholars, Turkmens were given the right to loot and kill the Shia Muslims. In Turkmens perception death at the hands of Shias was looked upon as martyrdom. Interestingly, when Turkmens changed their religion to Shia Islam, they stopped looting and killing Iranian Shias and took actions against other Turkmens. Anyway, the Qajars who themselves were assimilated Turkmens and had a long term ties with these newly-arrived Turkmen tribes, tried to give them the Iranian identity and prevent them from looting. However, Qajar strategies ended in failure. In this paper, I will show what strategies the Qajars adopted towards the Turkmens. I will further discuss the reasons behind their failure and would provide some analysis.

Cyrus the Great has been always considered as the founder of Achaemenid Empire. Whereas there is no significant source in his homeland about him and the researches about his life and death can be only found in foreign sources. The most important sources which provide a clear picture of his life, are the Greek historians’ works and their posterities’ in the next periods. However, these sources have been wrapped in a halo of myths and consequently have problems and ambiguities. Cyrus’s death is also a complicated issue in Achaemenid period and in addition to above mentioned problems, there is a contradiction in the sources. From various reports, two general contents can be resulted. One is death in the final conflict and the second is natural death. The fundamental question of this research is how to analyze the contradictions of the texts about Cyrus II’s death. Accordingly, in this research, it is aimed to study the sources with a critical approach by analyzing each narration in context of time, place and discourse. The findings of this study show that the various narrations about Cyrus’s death are just reports among the other reports that had different elements and origins for each of them. Also by critical analysis of each narration, it tries to assess the credential characteristics of each report. The research method is descriptive-analytical in library style.

After the collapse of the Sassanid Empire, its legacy in the field of governance, bureaucracy and other areas was transferred to the Islamic world and while adapting to the worldview and Islamic laws, it continued to live in a new guise.In the meantime, one of the legacies and traditions of Sassanid statehood that has been largely neglected is the military traditions, which most historians believe that with the conquest of Iran by Muslim Arabs and the collapse of the class system of the Sassanid, the military class will be out of existence forever and does not remain sign of them in the Islamic period.However, the elimination of the strong class of Sassanid armies does not mean the elimination of the heirs of this class and by studying the political-military changes of Iranian society in the process of transition from Sassanid to the Islamic era, one can well see the heirs of Sassanid military traditions in the presence of Dailami warriors who represented these traditions in all parts of the Islamic world until several centuries after Islam.

After the issuance of the constitutional decree by Muzaffar al-Din Shah, speeding up the preparations for the formation of the first National Assembly became one of the most important concerns of the constitutionalists. The realization of this important step in the first step required the formation of the Supreme Council of the Court and the compilation of the electoral system and then the holding of elections, based on the provisions contained therein. The holding of these elections, however, faced challenges in its process. Accordingly, the leading research intends to use the method of historical research and with reference to primary historical sources, including the publications of the constitutional era, to design and answer the question of what the holding of the first elections to the National Assembly will be with. Were there any challenges?The research findings show that after the establishment of the Supreme Council of the Court and the efforts of its members to write electoral regulations and prepare for the formation of the first National Assembly, the election process as the first political experience of Iranian society in this field With challenges such as opposition and sabotage in the development and signing of the electoral system, the inconsistency of some of the provisions of this system with the political and social realities in Iranian society, the sabotage of the authoritarian government and The pro-government currents and the inefficient performance of the institutions monitoring the proper conduct of the election process were encountered.

After the establishment of the constitutional system, the payment of salaries became a critical issue for the government. An examination of Ministry of Finance documents shows that the government was unable to pay salaries in a timely and complete manner due to financial bankruptcy, financial specialists were hired from the West. The most important policy pursued for hiring foreign advisors, they were chosen from governments other than Russia and Britain. advisers from Belgium, France, and the United States were hired by the Iranian government to regulate Iran's crisis-ridden financial system., the traditional structure governing them changed completely. Of these three axes, the pay system was of particular importance, because since the time of Muzaffar al-Din Shah, the inability to pay had caused a crisis that was rapidly increasing in severity. This article seeks to answer the question of how the treasury advisers used to solve the issue of payroll, and finally, to what extent they were able to achieve their goals and those of the constitutional government, which was to organize the crisis-paying payroll system.The findings of this study show that in order to solve the issue of payment of salaries, these advisors tried to solve the issue of payments by prioritizing the payment of current salaries and reducing some salaries, by implementing the policy of increasing revenues and reducing government expenditures. Governors and disputes with finance ministers over powers prevented them from carrying out their actions.

namely the army and the bureaucracy, and its impact on the functioning of these institutions.In Weber's analysis of the state, the traditional Iranian state was an individualistic state, based on the hierarchy and domination of patronizing relations between the ruler and the court, which ensured its continuity through a set of political strategies in accordance with patrimonial relations.The quasi-modern Pahlavi government was the first organized government in Iran to emerge based on the expansion of bureaucratic institutions and the modern army.However, the combination of the Neopatrimonialism character of this state with modern structures imported from the West led to a change in the nature and function of these structures.The hallmark of Neopatrimonialism was the combination of features of traditional patrimonialism such as individualism, the dominance of patronizing relations, and the personalization of power with the institutions of the modern state. Based on the issues mentioned, this study, based on descriptive-analytical method, seeks to answer the question that what effect has Pahlavi neopatrimonialism had on the functioning of the military and bureaucracy? Findings show that Pahlavi neopatrimonialism has affected modern institutions in the absence of strong and independent classes as a social base as well as the weakness of private property and has made them the heart of nature. In this sense, the combination of the characteristics of the traditional monarchy with the neopatrimonialism of Pahlavi in the structure of modern institutions deprived them of their main functions and weakened the capabilities of institutions such as the bureaucracy and the army.

One of the focal features of Al-Muzaffar government (1314-1393 AD) is the excessive application of religion in political practices and governmental behaviors. Aimed at preserving their interests and gaining legitimacy, MozaffariShafei'i rulers considered approaching various religious groups (Sufis, Sadats, and Shiites) and politically exploiting their popular position.The conversion of Sufism in this period into a social movement – even though the claim has no political power – led the Sheikhs of Sofia to be viewed as rivals in terms of social power.Owing to the prominent position of this religious group in Al-Muzaffar sovereignty, inclination of some Muzaffari rulers towards Sufism, and their efforts in compromise and tolerance with the Sheikhs , paved the ground for mutual interactions between some Sufis and the mentioned rulers. The findings of this research,which has been done with a descriptive-analytical method in the framework of library studies,indicate that various aspects of Al-Muzaffar interactions with Sufis, including the cases such as expressing devotion to Sheikhs, building monasteries and considering economic privileges for Sufi Sheikhs, had their own mainstreams such as exploiting their social base to gain legitimacy and popularity, fluctuating belief in the miracles and extraordinary deeds of Sufi Sheikhs ,and the avoidance of Sufi leaders towards worldly and governmental issues. On the other hand, to influence Al-Muzaffar government, though slightly and reduce the suffering of the people, some Sufi sheikhs welcoming the favours of the Muzaffari rulers established fine interactions with them through warning and advising Muzaffaris, praying and interceding for them as well ...

The purpose of this study is to analyze the structure and function of the Divan of composition and writing in the Ilkhanate period and the changes that were caused by the Mongol invasion of Iran and the formation government . The Mongols and then the Ilkhans were aware of the importance and necessity of having a correspondence department in their administrative organization;Due to distrust of the secretaries of the open territory, they tried to change the previous routine of the existing organization. Part of this change was due to this process and part was due to the consequences of the establishment of Mongol tribes in Iran, the Iranian administrative organization was able to revive the organization of the Composing Divan,The purpose of this study is to identify these changes in conflict or inconsistencies with the pre-Mongol routine and why and how the process of reviving the composition the Divan of Composition. The results of this study, which is done with a descriptive-analytical approach and qualitative analysis method of existing reports, show that these changes including changes in the position of the Composing Dian and its staff, language and literature, text of documents and its compositions , changes related to trends and procedures can be identified in the Composition Divan, the most important event, like other events formed in the administrative organization of the Ilkhanate period, is the formation of a dual Mongol-Iranian system in the organization of the Divan of Composition, a system whose Iranian elements were gradually highlighted.